Racial Discourse of the 1930s Swing Era

The 1930s decade all throughout the United States, but especially in industrial, heavily commercialized cities such as New York and Chicago, was marked by the Great Depression. This mass financial downturn prompted a surge of financial competition in all industries- especially in the music entertainment jazz business. These changes thus led to race becoming more explicit in the 1930s, giving birth to the “Swing Era”, defined loosely as the time period in which swing and jazz music began to become commercialized and commoditized. The discourse about race had always been present; however, with financial and commercial changes occurring, the topic of race appeared at the forefront of jazz.

David Stowe’s book “Swing Changes: Big-Band Jazz in New Deal America” helps highlight keep points of the Swing Era and its relation to race. Stowe writes: “Racially, jazz was perceived as uncouth and primitive, a variety of music associated with African-Americans… [I]t stood for… elements associated with Prohibition speakeasies and brothels… this reaction was not limited to whites, but was felt among the black middle class as well” (Stowe, 53). The pre-existing socially and culturally influenced set of values were challenged, with each race challenging one another and bringing race into the equation.

In a time of continuous segregation between Blacks and Whites, jazz musicians, both White and Black, struggled for competition in respective opposing worlds. Blacks were forced to find means within a segregated Black entertainment world, or succumbed to performing at the mob-run, popular but racially disputed all-White nightclub, The Cotton Club.

Although night club and other live performances were color-transparent, the only place in which race was hidden was the radio. The radio was the only place in which music can be heard colorlessly- listeners would not know the race of the musician that authored the music, and thus Black musicians were able to earn extra income through the radio. Duke Ellington was an example of a musician that took the radio to his advantage, as well as collaborated with a white Jewish entrepreneur, Irving Mills, to bypass the financial and commercial hardships of a racially segregated jazz industry for Blacks. Duke Ellington was faced with a challenge of staying within his limits whilst pushing against them to become as omnipresent and powerful in the music industry. Racial dissonance and racial residue was outlined not so subtly in many song titles: such as the musical numbers “Black Beauty” and “Black and Tan Fantasy” of Duke Ellington.

John Hammond, a wealthy White man, had a significant role in race discussions. He actively sought after “The Next Big Thing”, and was cited for discovering talent such as Benny Goodman, Fletcher Henderson, Count Basie, and Bennie Moten. Hammond came in conflict with Ellington and other reputable players in the industry for his outlandish, zealous, and politically motivated beliefs and publishings, such as his quote: “[t]he best of the white folk cannot compare to the really good Negroes in relaxed, unpretentious dance music” (Stowe, 60). Ellington criticized Hammond for “’freely condemning and condoning’ bands in which he had no financial stake, a ‘right’ Ellington believed he had ‘forfeited’ as a result of his activities as a producer and talent scout” (Stowe, 59). The de-segregation as well as integration of “Black and White economies”, alongside growing tensions and competition for financial security and fame and influence in the music industry led to race becoming more explicit in the 1930s “Swing Era”.